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Allow Chinese Companies to Build Locally and Sell Locally or Face Dire Consequences

If trade imbalances truly drive protectionist backlash, as many claim, we should have witnessed comparable anti-trade sentiment during the 1980s when America's deficit with Japan reached historic proportions. Yet history reveals a critical distinction: Japan was offered—and wisely seized—an economic escape valve that today's geopolitical climate threatens to deny China. This asymmetry not only betrays a fundamental misunderstanding of how global trade evolved but risks triggering an unprecedented economic disruption.

Japan's solution came through a direct investment revolution. Faced with mounting trade barriers and the Plaza Accord's dramatic yen appreciation, Japanese manufacturers transformed themselves from exporters into local producers. Toyota, Honda, and Sony didn't retreat from American markets—they embedded themselves within them. This "build locally, sell locally" approach defused trade tensions while preserving market access and protecting against currency volatility.

This strategy wasn't revolutionary but evolutionary, following a path American corporations had blazed decades earlier. By the early 1960s—long before "globalization" entered our lexicon—sales from U.S. companies' foreign affiliates already exceeded traditional exports. American businesses recognized that direct investment offered a strategy to cope with both protectionist impulses and the persistent strength of the dollar. When countries adopted protectionist measures for one reason or another or currency valuations made exports uncompetitive, embedded local production provided strategic immunity.

Today's conventional wisdom portrays China as an export-dependent economy whose growth model must inevitably clash with Western interests. This fundamentally misrepresents economic reality. China's exports constitute less than 20% of GDP—lower than Germany (47%), South Korea (43%), and even Canada (32%). The notion that China's prosperity depends primarily on flooding Western markets with goods is simply unsupportable by the data.

What's more, Chinese domestic consumption has risen dramatically since the 2008 financial crisis. That consumption hasn't claimed a larger share of GDP reflects not consumption weakness but rather China's continued robust investment—precisely the economic activity that would fuel a direct investment strategy if permitted to deploy internationally. Chinese households are buying more than ever, but investment continues to outpace even this impressive consumption growth.

We stand at a critical inflection point. If China is denied the same evolutionary path that Japan followed—and that America pioneered—we will intensify global trade frictions beyond anything witnessed in modern economic history. The stakes extend far beyond tariff rates or trade balances; they encompass the fundamental architecture of the global economy.

The narrative linking American inequality to global trade represents perhaps the most pernicious economic misconception of our time. If trade openness caused wealth disparity, we would observe the most "open" economies suffering the greatest inequality. Reality demonstrates precisely the opposite.

Denmark, Sweden, the Netherlands, and Germany all maintain significantly higher trade-to-GDP ratios than the United States while simultaneously achieving far more equitable wealth distributions. These countries engage more intensively with global markets yet maintain stronger social cohesion and less extreme inequality. The American paradox—rising GDP alongside widening inequality—stems not from Beijing's policies but from decisions made in American corporate boardrooms and legislative chambers.

The United States has never been wealthier than at the end of 2025, with GDP and household net worth at historic highs. The failure to distribute this prosperity equitably represents a domestic policy failure, not an inevitable consequence of global engagement. Other nations have demonstrated that robust international trade and equitable wealth distribution can coexist—indeed, the former often enables the latter through productivity gains and expanded economic opportunity.

Two imperatives emerge from this analysis:

First, Western economies must permit China to pursue the same direct investment strategy that defused previous trade tensions with Japan. Blocking this evolutionary path won't restore manufacturing jobs or revitalize declining regions—it will simply accelerate economic fragmentation while denying both sides the benefits of continued engagement. The choice isn't between competing economic models but between adaptation and unnecessary conflict.

Second, addressing America's wealth and income disparities requires domestic policy solutions rather than trade restrictions. The evidence conclusively demonstrates that inequality stems from internal power relationships, tax structures, labor market institutions, and corporate governance—not from trade agreements or import competition. Blaming foreign competition for domestic policy failures merely distracts from the real work of institutional reform.

History offers clear lessons for those willing to learn. The direct investment revolution that transformed Japanese-American economic relations provides a template for defusing today's tensions with China. Similarly, the varied distributional outcomes among trade-oriented economies demonstrate that domestic policy choices—not trade itself—determine who benefits from prosperity.

The question isn't whether global economic integration will continue, but whether we'll manage this evolution intelligently or sabotage it through misdiagnosis and misguided remedies. The stakes—for economic prosperity and geopolitical stability alike—could hardly be higher.



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Allow Chinese Companies to Build Locally and Sell Locally or Face Dire Consequences Allow Chinese Companies to Build Locally and Sell Locally or Face Dire Consequences Reviewed by Marc Chandler on May 07, 2025 Rating: 5
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